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For over a decade, through his research and policy advocacy, he has played a significant role in furthering the discourse on democratization of airwaves in India and elsewhere. His much reviewed book, co-authored with Kanchan K. Malik, Other Voices: the struggle for community radio in India Sage, documents community-based efforts across India to carve out an alternative public sphere. He serves on the editorial boards of many international journals in the field and furthers communication education in several institutions in an advisory capacity.

Already in the first seasons it was suggested that the PKK is not the only force controlling terror.

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References to forces within the Turkish government and foreign powers become more and more important during the series. It is in their interest that the struggle in the southeastern regions continues; they work for Armenian and Kurdish Communist lobbies who want to create an independent Armenian and Kurdish state.

This treaty reduced the Ottoman Empire to a rump state consisting only of the northern half of Anatolia. An independent Armenian state was supposed to arise in the eastern provinces and Kurdistan was to be a part of the Empire with autonomy From onwards, Turkish politics aimed at the dissolution of Hizbullah, but all efforts were frustrated by the state security organisations. In , when Hizbullah was not needed anymore against the PKK, the organisation was dismantled However, in the end the lower level of PKK commanders all turn out to have their reasons for becoming so cruel.

Some of them had been victims of PKK violence as well; or they were told that their families had been shot by the Turkish army, but it was the PKK who did it. Others were persuaded to join the PKK in their youth with false prospects and regret their choice by now. They, however, cannot return to their homes because, either, they fear being killed by the PKK or they face long periods of imprisonment when they surrender.

This transforms him into a completely different personality. Deep state infiltrators obstruct all action taken to appease the region. This is a reference to a secret organisation founded by the unionist leaders at the end of World War I to protect members of the Turkish government against the revenge of the Allied Forces and Christian minorities and to smuggle people and arms to Anatolia. This organisation is considered to be the start of the resistance movement in Anatolia that led ultimately to the foundation of the Republic of Turkey A school will be build and it is suggested that when the people in southeast Anatolia get educated, justice and peace will remain and the area will prosper.

It runs schools, boarding houses, universities and pre-university courses, first only in Turkey, but later as the movement grew, in many countries ranging from Central Asia, Africa, the Balkans, the US, Europe to Australia It is not clear whether this is the Syrian or the Iraqi border. In the first episode it is indicated that the serial takes place in The message of this programme is strongly Turkish nationalistic, depicting the PKK as mean villains and terrorists and the army as the good guys.

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The villagers are depicted as, mostly innocent, victims. The events dominating the serial are attacks on the village and the kidnapping of people, mostly women and children for extortion or young girls and boys, who are recruited for the PKK. In the serial however very few people voluntarily join the PKK and many characters at one point repent their terrorist actions and become loyal anti-PKK fighters. The serial focussed more on moral, righteous and human behaviour and wanted to stress the unity of Turkey This team did not so much fight the PKK anymore, but concentrated on Kurdish and Islamist terrorists in Syria, or sometimes infiltrated the Turkish border region.

This change can be explained by the political reality in Turkey; from onwards the peace process that lasted until the summer of , secretly started by the AKP government in , became visible to the general public Noyan explains that, although the serial was supposed to take place in the s, they wanted to make the serial look real. This is, in reality, an Iranian orientated Islamist terrorist group that fights against Israel and its allies.

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  • At the start of the serial, in a promotion trailer, commander Serdar is wearing an orange overall, about to be executed by the Islamic State. As indicated in the scene, the action takes place in the Rojava area, the independent Kurdish area in Northern Syria Many Hizmet sympathisers found jobs in the judiciary, ministries and earned important positions in the private sector The movement does not have the power a government or political party has to implement judicial steps or any other form of measures against the AKP.

    Therefore, in case of controversy with the AKP, they used their television series to explain their side of the story. In the episodes of this mini serial, each lasting around minutes, we see meetings of a secret board talking about creating chaos in Turkey. For instance:. The actors in Karar Kurulu wear rings that resemble Knight Templar rings.

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    On the rings and on one of the banners hanging on the wall a kind of Baphomet symbol is depicted. Members of the council meet secretly with characters of the serial in southeast Anatolia. This free masonic organisation is a coalition of all kinds of secret organisations, foreign such as the CIA, Russian or local such as the deep state. In the story, they are involved in the struggle in southeast Anatolia.

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    The message conveyed is that the Kurdish populace is manipulated by these foreign forces, which obstruct a peaceful cohabitation of Turks and Kurds. The scenes do not have any relation with the plot of the main serial.

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    • Without referring explicitly to the fact that this was fiction, he announced that the Karar Kurulu met again. Then a fragment of the mini serial was shown, provided with Turkish subtitles. Samanyolu produced this mingling of reality and fiction on several occasions. Since spring scenes of the Karar Kurulu have no longer appeared in any of the Samanyolu shows. What else can I say when the general manager of a media group is accused of terror The accusation is based only on a fragment of this speech taken out of context; the pro-government media outlet Sabah Morning placed this fragment on its website Although no further evidence has been brought in this case, and several courts have asked for the release of Karaca pending his trial 59 , in November he was convicted to 31 years of imprisonment This serial was broadcasted for two seasons, This show focuses on a religious village girl, Elif, who enters the medical faculty of Istanbul University.

      With the help of a young lieutenant Deniz, she had been able to escape being married off to the son of a landowner and arrives in Istanbul. The first season concentrates mainly on the love affair between Elif and Deniz, son of a secular colonel in the Turkish army. They want Deniz to marry Sanem, the spoiled, unreligious daughter of general Kudret Karay.

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      Elif and her friends encounter all kinds of difficulties when they want to enter university. In order to enrol, they have to remove their headscarves, later on they are not allowed to attend courses or take exams. Kudret Karay, one of the cruelest secular orientated generals in the army, tries to purify the army of all religious elements; religious officers are severely punished.

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      He was so afraid of religion that he forced his own sister Rana to give up her religious lover İbrahim. When she gives birth to a girl Karay tells her that the baby died.

      Books in the series: Routledge Communication Series

      In reality he gave the girl for adoption to a family in east Anatolia; this turns out to be Elif. Since Elif is one of the most prominent, strongminded amongst the headscarved students, she has a lot to do with Rana, who is vice director of Istanbul University. Reflecting the interdisciplinary nature of political communication scholarship, contributions represent research coming from communication, political science, journalism, and marketing disciplines, among others. The Handbook demonstrates the broad scope of the political communication discipline and emphasizes theoretical overviews and research synthesis, with each chapter providing discussion of the major lines of research, theory, and findings for the area of concern.

      As a comprehensive and thorough examination of the political communication discipline--the first in over two decades--this Handbook is a "must-have" resource for scholars and researchers in political communication, mass communication, and political science. It will also serve readers in public opinion, political psychology, and related areas. She received her Ph.

      Her research specialties include political advertising and news coverage of political events. A Fulbright Scholar, she has also done work on political television in several Western European countries. She also has written over journal articles and book chapters and over convention papers on various aspects of political communication. Department of Commerce, the U. Kaid is a former president of the Political Communication Divisions of the International Communication Association and the National Communication Association and has served in leadership roles in the American Political Science Association.

      This volume brings together the major thrusts of contemporary research and theory in political communication. The approach stresses theoretical overviews and research synthesis with the goal of each chapter to provide an overview of the major lines of research, theory and findings for that topic. Lynda Kaid brings together top scholars to explore the state of political communication research.

      Part One contains chapters that discuss some of the theoretical background, history, structure, and diversity of the field. Part Two concentrates on messages that are predominant in the study of political communication, ranging from classical rhetorical modes to political advertising and debates. The next two sections focus on the news media coverage of politics, political issues, and political institutions followed by an emphasis on public opinion and the audiences of political communication. Part Five offers international perspectives on political communication with the inclusion of European and Asian approaches.

      The final section provides an opportunity to look at the newest channel in political communication study, the Internet, and its role in changing the face of political communication. Convert currency. Add to Basket.